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LETTER i 

1 

1 

i 




! 
TO THE 



HON. HARBISON GRAY OTIS, 
PELEG SPRAGUE, 



AND 



RICHARD FLETCHER, Esq 



^ BOSTON: 

JAMES MUNROE AND COMPANY 



M Dccc xxxri. 



A 
/ 

LETTER 

TO THE 



HON. HARRISON GRAY OTIS, 
PELEG SPRAGUE, 



AND 



RICHARD FLETCHER, Esq. 



Nothing, for which I have not the evidence of my senses, is to me more clear, thau 
that it [slavery] will one day destroy that reverence for liberty, which is the vital 
principle of our republic." — Speech 6/ William Pinknet in the Maryland House of 
Delegates, 1789. 

If any practices exist, contrary to the principles of justice and humanity, within the 
reach of our laws or our influence, we are inexcusable, if we do not exert ourselves 
to restrain and abolish them." — Daniel Webster's Plymouth Oration in 1820. 



.y 



BOSTON: 

JAMES M UN ROE AND COMPANY 




M DCCC XXXTI. 



> PREFAC E 



The following Letter appeared in the Boston 
Courier, a short time after the meeting in Faneuil 
Hall, to which it referred — long enough ago to 
be forgotten by all but a few friends of the writer, 
who thought some of the reminiscences contained 
in it might be usefully republished at this time in 
a less ephemeral form. The name of the writer 
is not now attached to it for the reason originally 
given in the Letter itself. It could add nothing 
to the weight of any statements or opinions 
contained in the article, which, being such as 
he would never be ashamed to avow, he has 
no hesitation in thus publishing anonymously. 
A few notes are added, which seemed to be 
needed in the advancing state of the subject in 
the public interest. 



LETTER 



Gentlemen, — I attended with great alacrity the 
meeting of the 21st of August, in Faneuil Hall. It 
was expected that you would there address your fellow- 
citizens, on a question of momentous interest, and I 
anticipated, probably in common with many others, a 
degree of satisfaction in regard to it. For, hitherto, I 
had had reason to feel something of that uneasiness, 
which every lover of truth must experience, in regard 
to important questions of morality or policy, when he 
seems to himself to see the weight of reason on one 
side, and that of authority on the other. 

Though I have never been a member of any anti- 
slavery society, it has happened to me to be intimately 
acquainted with individuals belonging to the professional 
and commercial classes of the community, whose judg- 
ment in ordinary matters of worldly concernment 1 
had every reason to respect, and whose uprightness and 
intelligence I held in high estimation, who were at the 
same time active members of these societies. I had 
attended to their reasonings on the subject of slavery, 
and perused pretty carefully many of their publications. 
The former appeared to me to be sound, and the latter 
to contain much good morality and poAverful argument, 
though there was intermixed with these, at times, a 
strength and even violence of denunciation, which I 
could not quite approve, either on the score of propriety 
or policy ; there were exemplifications, in short, of that 
universal tendency of zeal in any cause to go beyond 
the bounds of discretion ; a tendency, which, other 
things being equal, is perhaps strong in proportion to 
the intrinsic importance of its object. 
1* 



On the other hand, gentlemen, I had found, almost 
every where, out of the ranks of the abolitionists, a 
disposition to denounce them, as a band of furious agi- 
tators, who were ready to sacrifice every thing, which 
their countrymen hold sacred, to a maniacal philan- 
thropy; and I had received the impression, that the 
great bulk of the leading men in society were inclined 
to agree in a feeling of strong disapprobation of their 
movements. 

Under these circumstances, the desire was natural to 
understand, first, whether the disapprobation thus felt 
by the leading and influential men of our community, 
whose opinions must, at all times, be, prrnia facie, en- 
titled to respect, was confined to those proceedings of 
some of the abolitionists, which had seemed to me to 
be of doubtful propriety ; or whether it extended to the 
whole tenor of their words and doings, plans and doc- 
trines, in short, to the whole abolition movement. 

In the second place, I expected, that, supposing it to 
extend, as I suspected that it did extend, to the whole 
project of the abolitionists, I should be enabled to under- 
stand the reason of this disapprobation, by hearing them 
explained by you, in detail, and thereby be relieved 
from the weight of authority, which was oppressive, 
without being satisfactory. 

As my meaning in this last statement may not be 
perfectly clear, I may observe in explanation of it, that 
I consider every man to be under an obligation, more or 
less strong, according to circumstances, to permit the 
opinions to weigh with him, of all persons, who are on 
other grounds entitled to his respect, so long as he is 
unacquainted with the reasons of those opinions ; since 
he is bound to suppose, that reasons exist, which might 
affect his own opinions, provided he had an opportunity 
of becoming acquainted with them. But, so soon as 
the reasons themselves are fully made known to him, 
much, if not the whole, of this obligation ceases to exist ; 
the claim of authority being, in fact, waved by the 
statement of reasons, which are substituted for it, in 
every such instance, and which may of right be inde- 
pendently considered. 



Thus, if any judicious person were to declare to me 
his belief in the existence of a sea-serpent, I should be 
bound to allow some weight to the circumstance ; but 
should he explain that his belief rested entirely upon 
the fact of there being, in the public papers, a certificate 
that such an animal had been seen by individuals, 
whose persons and credibility were alike unknown to 
him ; I think it would be absurd to allow any weight to 
his opinion, additional to that of the testimony, or cer- 
tificate, which would then become the proper subject of 
consideration. 

In regard to the first question, which I stated to regard 
the precise object of your disapprobation ; I think, that, 
unless I have misunderstood the purport of your addresses, 
I may venture to take it for granted, that it does truly 
extend to the whole abolition movement, — to all the 
doings of all the anti-slavery societies, so called, which 
are now existing in the United States, — and for the fol- 
lowing reasons ; that they are mere agitators, calculating 
to get up an injurious excitement, which has no lawful 
object : that they propose nothing for discussion, pro- 
perly so called, nor offer any plan to effect the alleged 
object. 

'' Sir, it is a mockery, and an insult to the understand- 
ing, to call these publications [those which the abolition- 
ists disseminate] discussions. Nothing is discussed, 
nothing is proposed for discussion. No plan to effect 
the alleged object. Nothing is said to enlighten the 
mind or improve the heart, but every thing is said to 
inflanie, and only to inflame^ the passions." 

I quote the words of Mr. Fletcher, with whose opin- 
ions you mxay all, I suppose, gentlemen, be held to agree 
in substance, as his speech was the leading one, and was 
referred to in the others, in terms of approbation, and 
without exception to any of his views. 

These then are the supposed facts, upon which your 
expressions of reprobation are based, and the inference 
from them, as drawn by you, I admit to be sound. 
They would be ground sufficient, and few would need 
the weight of your authority in addition to his belief of 



8 

their reality — but, for the same reason, that authority 
can have little weight with those, who have evidence 
satisfactory to themselves, that the facts are quite other- 
wise. 

I stated, gentlemen, that I expected satisfaction. I 
received it abundantly. I have been certified from your 
own lips of a deficiency of information on your part, 
which, were I twenty years younger, would probably 
have seemed to me remarkable in the case of men of so 
much general information. I have, however, lived long 
enough to find myself scantily informed on a . great 
many subjects, with which I had persuaded myself that 
I was well acquainted ; and to think it a more reasona- 
ble ground of surprise, that men like yourselves should 
have found time, among their various important cares 
and duties, to know so much and so thoroughly on so 
many subjects, than that there should be now and then 
one, on which they seem to lack some information. I 
have said, gentlemen, that there seems to me to be a 
deficiency of information on your part in regard to this 
matter, for the slightest suspicion of intentional misrep- 
resentation is precluded by a knowledge of characters, 
which the general opinion of their fellow-citizens places 
in the front ranks in the array of integrity, intelligence, 
and patriotism. 

Allow me, gentlemen, respectfully to endeavour to 
supply this deficiency, and to assiu'e you, that the mem- 
bers of the anti-slavery societies in these States have a 
plan, which they at least think lawful, and of which 
they are constantly challenging the discussion, and to 
explain to you its nature, as I understand it. Their 
plan is to procure a majority of votes in Congress in 
favor of bills for the abolition of slavery, in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia,* and in those territories, now under 
the jurisdiction of the general government, in which it 
may be constitutionally abolished, and for the prohibition 
of the domestic slave-trade between the States, f Their 
plan is, further, to demonstrate to such of our Southern 

* See note A. \ See note B. 



brethren, as publicly declare, or silently maintain the 
doctrine, that negro slavery is no evil, but a necessary 
adjunct, or condition of unmixed republicanism ; to dem- 
onstrate to these, I say, that it is truly " a great moral 
and political evil " — or to use the words of one of your 
number on a former occasion, ''amoral pestilence." 
The words of him, I mean "that old man eloquent"* 
who fifteen years ago on the floor of Congress prayed his 
fellow-legislators not " to entail on posterity a scourge, 
for which we reproach the memory of our ancestors," 
and — prayed in vain. And, further, to show to the 
satisfoction of those gentlemen of the South, who truly 
believe that slavery is such an evil and sincerely desire 
to be rid of it, that there is no considerable difficulty 
in effecting this object, except such as may arise from 
their own want of energy, or the opposition of those, 
who are far from considering it any disadvantage, or 
from wishing to do away with it. 

This comprehensive project they propose to promote 
the consummation of, by the same ap])aratus of means, 
which are in common use in this country. They pro- 
pose to proceed precisely as those individuals did, who 
set on foot the temperance project ; those, v/ho labored 
to have the Bank of the United States rechartered ; or to 
carry through a protecting tariff; or those, wlio now 
labor to procure the election of Messrs. Webster, Van 
Buren, White, or Harrison to the Presidency. They 
propose like them to organize societies, publish papers, 
make speeches, and set in motion all the machinery, by 
which public opinion is ordinarily attempted to be in- 
fluenced. 

Now such a plan may in your opinion be a bad one, 
but certainly it is a plan of some kind — and unless you 
are prepared to take the ground that a large number of 
your fellow-citizens are utterly false, it is one that they 
believe to be a good and a lawful one. And as to the 
means, although it may be readily admitted that there 

* See note C. 



10 

have been defects in the execution of them, I am unable 
to see any objection to the principle. That men, who 
are continually, and in an unqualified manner, denounced 
as fanatics, should occasionally lose their temper, is too 
common an event to be a cause of surprise, or great 
indignation ; though it may be of sorrow, that both 
the cause and effect are matters of such ordinary obser- 
vation. 

Blameable however as means of this kind may appear 
to you, they did not so appear to your fathers. Though 
I am neither lawyer, nor legislator, I have some notion 
that the establishment of a precedent may have an in- 
fluence in favor of the attempt to bring this case under 
some authority, which should Hmit the very strong lan- 
guage of reprobation which has been applied to it. 

I have at this moment before me^ gentlemen, a volume 
of pamphlets, entitled "Minutes of the Proceedings of a 
Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 
established in different parts of the United States, as- 
sembled at Philadelphia, on the first day of January, 
1794," &c. &c. The same volume contains also the 
constitution and act of incorporation of one of these 
societies, of which Benjamin Franklin was president, 
and, singular as it may seem to us now, the Rt. Hon. 
William Pitt, Dr. Lettsom, Lafayette, and a whole 
host of distinguished "foreigners," are among the names 
mentioned in the act — and these persons, foreigners 
and all, gentlemen, and ^'- tlieir successors,'^ are "declared 
and created to be one body politic and corporate in 
deed and in law, by the name, style, and title of " The 
Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Sla- 
very, and for the relief of free negroes unlawfully held 
in bondage and for improving the condition of the 
African race," ifec. &c. — and this is the preamble of their 
constitution. 

" It having pleased the Creator of the world to make 
of one flesh all the children of men, it becomes them to 
consult and promote each other's happiness, as 7nemhers 
of the same family, however diversified they may be 



11 

by color, situation, religion, or different states of society. 
It is more especially the duty of those persons, who pro- 
fess to maintain for themselves the rights of human 
nature, and who acknowledge the ohligaiions of Chris- 
tianity, to use such means as are in their power to ex- 
tend the blessings of freedom to every part of the human 
race ; and in a more particular manner, to such of their 
fellow-creatures as are entitled to freedom by the laws 
and constitutions of any of the United States, and who. 
notwithstanding, are detained in bondage by fraud, and 
violence. From a full conviction of the truth and obli- 
gation of these principles, fi^om a desire to diffuse them^ 
wherever the miseries and vices of Slavery exist, ^^ &c. 
&c. &c. Such is the preamble to the constitution of 
the society ; and, among the long array of venerable 
names connected with it, we find some of those, which, 
two years before, had been attached to that Constitution 
of these United States, which is now held to frown so 
sternly on such movements. And what did this society 
do, gentlemen ? Just what the abolitionists propose to do 
now. They petitioned Congress to do what they could 
towards the abolition of slavery. The following is a 
part of their memorial, which showed that, 

'•'From a regard for the happiness of mankind, an 
association was formed, several years since, in this State^ 
Pennsylvania, by a number of her citizens of various 
religious denomhiations, for promoting the abolition of 
slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in 
bondage. A just and acute conception of the true prin- 
ciples of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced 
accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, 
and a legislative cooperation with their views, which, 
by the blessing of Providence, have been successfully 
directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of 
their fellow-creatures of the African race. They have 
also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of 
that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty, which is 
generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar insti- 
tutions are forming at home and abroad. 

^' That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty 



12 

Being, alike objects of his care and equally designed 
for the enjoyment of happiness, the Christian rehgion 
teaches us to believe, and the political creed of Americans 
fully coincides with the position. Your memorialists, 
particularly engaged in attending to the distresses 
arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensable 
duty to present this subject to your notice. They have 
observed with real satisfaction that many important and 
salutary powers are vested in you for ' promoting the 
welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the peo- 
ple of the United States ; ' and as they conceive, that 
these blessings ought rightfully to be administered, 
without distinction of color ^ to ail descriptions of people, 
so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation, 
that nothing, which can be done for the relief of the 
unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or 
delayed. 

" From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally 
the portion, and is still the birth-right of all men ; and 
influenced by the strong ties of humanity, and the prin- 
ciples of their institution, your memorialists conceive 
themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavours to 
loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general en- 
joyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these im- 
pressions, they earnestly entreat your serious attention 
to the subject of slavery ; that you will be pleased to 
countenance the restoration of liberty to those unhappy 
men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded 
into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy 
of surrounding freedom, are groaning in servile subjection, 
that you will promote mercy and justice towards this 
distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge 
of the poicer vested in you for discouraging every species 
of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men. 

Signed, Benjamin Franklin, President. 

This memorial was read in Congress on the 12th of 
February, 1790; and how was it received? Gentlemen, 
there is nothing new under the sun. The mind of man 
runs its little mill-horse round, treading over and over 



13 

again the same worn footpath. On the question of com- 
mitment, Mr. Tucker of South Carolina said, that "he 
was surprised to see a memorial on this subject, and 
that signed by a man loho ought to have known the Con- 
stitution better. He thought it a mischievous attempt, 
as it respected the persons in whose favor it was in- 
tended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without 
a foundation, and as they could not reason on the sub- 
ject, as more enlightened men would, they might be 
led to do, what they would be punished for, and the 
owners of them, in their own defence, would be com- 
pelled to exercise over them a severity, they were not 
accustomed to. Do these men expect a general eman- 
cipation of slaves by law ? This would never be sub- 
mitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. 
Do they mean to purchase their freedom ? He believed 
their money would fall short of their price. But how is 
it they are more concerned in this business than others ? 
Are they the only persons who possess religion and 
morality ? &c. &c. &c. ; and to say the best of this 
memorial, it is an act of imprudence, which he hoped 
would have no countenance from the House." 

Mr. Seney of Maryland "denied that there was any 
thing unconstitutional in the memorial, at least, if there 
was, it had escaped his attention, and should be obliged 
to the gentleman to point it out," &c. &c. &c. 

Mr. Burke of South Carolina " saiv the disposition of 
the House, and he feared it would be referred to a com- 
mittee, maugre all their opposition ; but he must insist 
that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure, &c. vfcc. 
He was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, 
and blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. 
He was sorry to see the petitioners paid more attention 
to than the Constitution,'" &c. &c. 

Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania said, "I cannot entertain a 
doubt but the memorial is strictly agreeable to the con- 
stitution. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any 
person can be said to acquire a property in another ; I do 
not stand in need of religious motives to induce me to 
reprobate the traffic in human flesh ; other considerations 
2 



14 

weigh with me to support the commitment of the me- 
morial and every constitutional measure likely to bring 
about its total abolition. Perhaps in our legislative 
capacity we can go no farther than to impose a duty of 
ten dollars, but / do not know how far I migld go. if I 
was one of the Judges of the United States, and those 
people were to come before me and claim their emancipa- 
tion, hut I am sure I ivould go as far as I could.^' 

Mr. Jackson of Georgia* "differed with the gentleman 
last up, and supposed the master had ?i ciualified property 
in his slave. The gentleman said, he did not stand in 
need of religion to induce him to reprobate slavery ; but 
if he is guided by that evidence, which the Christian 
system is founded on, he will find that religion is not 
against it, he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the 
current setting strong that way. Let me ask the gen- 
tleman, if it is policy to bring forward a business, at this 
moment, likely to light up the flame of civil discord ? 
The gentleman says, if he was a federal judge, he does 
not know to what length he would go in emancipating 
this people ; but I believe his judgment would be of 
short duration in Georgia: perhaps even the existence of 
such a judge might he in danger.'^ 

Mr. Baldwin of Georgia "was sorry the subject had 
ever been brought before Congress, because it was of a 
delicate nature,''^ &c. 

Mr. Smith of South-Carolina said, " When we entered 
into this confederacy, we did it from political f not from 
Qnor^al motives, and I do not think my constituents want 
to learn morals from the petitioners. / do not helieve 
they want improvement in their 'moral system : if they 
do, they can get it at home. Such is the state of agri- 
culture in that country that, without slaves, it must be 
depopulated. Why will these people, then, make use 
of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against 
his master? " 

Mr. Page of Virginia "was in favor of the commit- 

* Sec note D. t See note E. 



15 

ment. The object of the memorial was, that Congress 
would consider whether it be not in reahty within their 
power to exercise justice and mercy, which, if adhered 
to, they cannot doubt must produce the aboUtion of the 
slave trade, ifcc. &c. 

"With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he 
conjectured there was none ; but there might be a just 
cause, if the memorial was not taken into consideration. 
He placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on 
hearing that Congress had refused to listen to the decent 
suggestions of a respectable part of the community, he 
should infer that the General Government had shut their 
ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair 
of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity 
had in prospect ; if any thing could induce hini to 
rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind 
all the horrors of despair.-^ 

Notwithstanding the alarm, gentlemen, the memorial 
was committed, by a vote of 43 against 11. 

The report was offered on the IGtli of March, and was 
as follows : — 

"That, from the nature of the matters contained in 
those memorials, they were induced to examine the 
powers vested in Congress, under the present constitu- 
tion, relating to the abolition of slavery, and are clearly 
of opinion, 

" First, That the General Government is expressly 
restrained iVom prohibiting the importation of such per- 
sons -' as any of the States, 7iow existing, shall think 
proper to admit, until the year 180S.' 

" Secondly, That Congress, by a fair construction of 
the Constitution, are equally restrained from interfering 
in the emancipation of slaves, who already are, or who 
may, within the period mentioned, be imported into, or 
born within, any of the said States. 

'■ Thirdly, That Congress have no authority to interfere 
in the internal regulations of particular States, relative to 
the instruction of slaves in the principles of morality and 
religion; to their comfortable clothing, accommodations, 
and subsistence ; to the regulation of their marriages, 



16 

and the prevention of the violation of the rights thereof, 
or to the separation of children from their parents ; to a 
comfortable provision in cases of sickness, age, or in- 
firmity ; or to the seizure, transportation, or sale of free 
negroes ; but have the fullest confidence in the wisdom 
and humanity of the Legislatures of the several states, 
that they will revise their laws, from time to time, when 
necessary, and promote the objects mentioned in the 
memorials, and every other measure that may tend to 
the happiness of slaves. 

"Fourthly, That, nevertheless. Congress have author- 
ity, if they shall think it necessary, to lay, at any time, 
a tax or duty, not exceeding ten dollars, for each person 
of any description," &c. 

[The 5th and 6th refer to the trade, as carried on by 
foreigners.] 

"Seventhly, That the memorialists be informed, that, 
in all cases, to which the authority of Congress extends, 
they will exercise it for the humane objects of the me- 
morialists, so far as they can be promoted on the princi- 
ples of justice, humanity, and good policy." 

This report was debated in Committee of the Whole, 
seven days, and there amended so as to read as fol- 
lows : — 

" That the migration or invportation of such persons 
as any of the States, now existing^ shall think proper to 
admit, cannot be prohibited by Congress, prior to the 
year 1808. 

" That Congress have no authority to interfere in the 
emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, 
within any of the States ; it remaining with the several 
states alone to provide any regulations therein, which 
humanity and true policy may require. 

" That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens 
of the United States from carrying on the African trade, 
for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and 
of providing, by proper regulations, for the humane 
treatment, during their passage, of slaves, imported by 
citizens into the States admitting such importation." 

Both reports, the special and the amended, were then 



17 

entered on the journals of the House, by a vote of 29 
to 25. 

Was the zeal of the AboHtionists, gentlemen, abated 
by this result? Not a whit. They proceeded sturdily 
to organize societies, to call conventions, and to take, 
what were then considered, lawful means, to diffuse their 
principles inker ever the miseries and vices of slaver ij ex- 
isted:' 

I have already mentioned, that I have before me the 
minutes of the proceedings of their Convention of 1794. 
The names of the delegates, who were principally from 
the Northern and Middle States, — Tracy, Franklin, 
Patterson, Rush, ifcc. tfcc, are appended, and their doings 
are such, as seem to me very similar to some of those 
of the now existing Abolition Societies. They voted 
"to address memorials to the different States, which 
have not yet abolished domestic slavery," which cer- 
tainly was a kind "of interference with their domestic 
affairs;" also, "that addresses be sent to the several 
Abolition Societies, recommending them to continue 
their zeal and exertions, in behalf of such of our Afri- 
can brethren as are yet in bondage ; also, to use their 
utmost endeavours to have the children of the free and 
other [! !] Africans instructed in common literature — in 
the principles of virtue and religion, and afterwards in 
useful mechanical arts ; thereby to prepare them for 
becoming good citizens of the United States." Also, 
" that an address be written and published to the citizens 
of the United States, to impress upon them, in the most 
forcible manner, the obligations of justice, humanity, 
and benevolence towards our African brethren, whether 
in bondage, or free, and to request their concurrence 
with us in all the objects of the present Convention,' 

The following extracts from these documents, may 
serve to exemplify the extent to which Abolition princi- 
ples were avowedly carried in those days. 

From the addresses to the States, who have not yet 
abolished domestic slavery : — • 

" Actuated by a desire to vindicate the honor of the 
United States, the rights of man, and the dignity of 
2* 



18 

human nature, the Abolition Societies, in various and 
distant parts of the Union, have delegated your memo- 
riaUsts to consider of, and endeavour to promote, such 
plans as may tend to diminish the number of slaves in 
the United States, meliorate their situation, and eventu- 
ally eradicate an evil, entailed upon us by our ancestors, 
which must, as long as it exists, be considered as a dis- 
honorable stain upon a country^ the basis of whose 
political happiness is man's equal rights.^'' And again: 
" Some of the principal evils, foremost in the group 
of calamities, incident to the practice of slavery, your 
memorialists take the liberty of specifying. Negroes, 
considered merely as subjects of property, are frequently 
carried off by force from their dearest connexions, and 
transported to places where even the severity of their 
former bondage is increased — where a new climate, 
rigid laws, and despotic manners, render their despair 
complete. Until a radical abolition of slavery itself be 
exploded, the general opinion, that the color of a man 
is evidence of his deprivation of the rights of man, 
shall afford more effectual security, it is presumed that 
the legislative protection of absolute prohibitions and of 
adequate penalties, may be reasonably expected. To 
enumerate those obstacles to individual emancipation, 
which still remain, sometimes obvious, and sometimes 
concealed, in the mass of municipal regulations, would 
exceed the reasonable bounds of the present application ; 
but, with a knowledge oi their existence, and a sense 
of their injustice, your memorialists respectfully unite 
in a request, that individual emancipation may, if not 
promoted by encouragements, at least be relieved from 
incidental penalties. Yet, in breaking the fetters and 
removing the sorrows of slavery, what do we effect, if 
the new-made man is relieved from the power of one, 
only to be sensible of his hopeless inferiority to all? 
As the opinions of men continue to be regulated, we 
know that the negro has little to expect from the distri- 
bution of public functions ; still, there are certain r^o-A/Sj 
not pj^ii'ilen^es, certain claims, not favors, to which, we 
conceive, legislative justice might safely admit him. 



19 

Of what use is his hard-earned property, if the law does 
not spread its defence about it? " &c. &c. " To acquire 
a useful mernher of the community^ we should hold up 
to his vieiu a participation in its privilege s,'^^ &c. ifcc. 
" It will be found, that an increase of the useful qualities 
of the African citizen^ will keep pace with the kind- 
ness and protection of which he partakes." 

Extracts from the address to the different Abolition 
Societies: — 

" The advantages from this meeting are so evident, 
that we have agreed earnestly to recommend to you, 
that a similar meeting be annually convened, until the 
great objects of our association, the liberty of our fellow - 
men, shall be fully and unequivocally established. For 
this purpose, we think it proper to request you to unite 
with us in the most strenuous exertions to effect a com- 
pliance with the laws in favor of emancipation ; and, 
where these laws are deficient, respectful applications to 
the State Legislatures should not be discontinued, how- 
ever unsuccessful they may prove. Let us remember, 
for our consolation and encouragement in these cases, 
that although interest and prejudice may oppose, yet 
the fundamental principles of our government, as well 
as the progressive and rapid influence of reason and re- 
ligion, are in our favor; and let us never be discouraged, 
by a fear of the event, from performing any task of 
duty, luhen clearly pointed out; for it is an undoubted 
truth, that no good effort can ever be lost. We cannot 
refrain from recommending to your attention the pro- 
priety of using your endeavours to form, as circumstan- 
ces may require. Abolition Societies in your own and in 
the neighbouring States, as, for want of the concurrence 
of others, the good intentions and efforts of many an 
honest and zealous individual are often defeated^ And 
again : 

"It cannot have escaped your observation, how many 
persons there are who continue the hateful practice of 
enslaving their fellow-men, and who acquiesce in the 
sophistry of the advocates of that practice, merely from 
want of reflection, and from an habitual attention to 



20 

their own immediate interest. If to such were often 
applied the force of reason, and the persuasion of elo- 
quence, they might be aivakened to a sense of their in- 
justice, and he startled with horror at the enormity of 
their conduct. To produce so desirable a change in 
sentiment, as well as practice, we recommend to you 
the instituting of annual or other periodical discourses, 
or orations, to be delivered in public, on the subject of 
slavery, and the means of its abolition." 

But, above all, they voted to publish, and even ap- 
pointed a committee to superintend the publication and 
distribution of the following Address to the People of 
the United States. 

'•United to you by the ties of citizenship, and par- 
takers with you of the blessings of a free government, 
we take the liberty of addressing you upon a subject, 
highly interesting to the credit and prosperity of the 
United States. Much has been done by the citizens of 
some of the States to abolish this disgraceful tratiic, 
(the African slave trade,) and to improve the condition 
of those unhappy people, whom the ignorance, or the 
avarice of our ancestors had bequeathed to us as slaves ; 
but the evil still continues, and our country is disgraced 
by laws and practices, which level the creature man 
with a part of the brute creation. Many reasons concur 
in persuading us to abolish domestic slavery in our 
country. 

" It is inconsistent with the safety of the liberties of 
the United States. Freedom and Slavery cannot long 
exist together. An unlimited power over the time, 
labor, and posterity of our fellow-citizens, necessarily 
imfits men for discharging the public and private duties 
of citizens of a republic. 

"It is inconsistent with sound policy; in exposing the 
States, which permit it, to all tliose evils, which insur- 
rections, and the most resentful war have introduced 
into one of tlie finest islands in the West Indies. It is 
unfriendly to the present exertions of the inhabitants of 
Europe, in favor of liberty. What people will advocate 
freedom, with a zeal proportioned to its blessings, while 



21 

they view the purest republic in the world tolerating in 
its bosom a body of slaves ? In vain has the tyranny 
of kings been rejected, while we permit in our country 
a domestic despotism, which involves, in its 7iatnre, 
most of the vices and miseries that we have endeavoured 
to avoid. It is degrading to our rank as men in the 
scale of being. Let us use our reason and social affec- 
tions for the purposes for which they were given, or 
cease to boast a preeminence over animals, that are 
unpolluted, with our crimes. But higher motives to 
justice and humanity towards our fellow-creatures 
remain yet to be mentioned. Domestic slavery is re- 
pugnant to the principles of Christianity. It prostrates 
every benevolent and just principle of action in the 
human heart. It is rebellion against tJte authority of 
a common Father. It is a practical denial of the 
extent and efficacy of the death of a co^nmon Saviour. 
It is an uswpation of the prerogative of the Great 
Sovereign of tha Universe, ivho has solemnly claimed 
an exclusive property in the souls of men. It is a vio- 
lation of a divine precept of universal justice, which 
has in no instance escaped with impunity. We shall 
conclude this address by recommending to you — 

''First, to refrain immediately from that species of 
rapine and murder, which has improperly been softened 
with the name of the African trade.* It is Indian 
cruelty, and Algerine piracy in another form. 

" Secondly, To form Societies, in every State, for the 
purpose of promoting the abolition of the slave trade, 
of domestic slavery, the relief of persons unlawfully 
held in bondage among us, and for the improvement of 
the condition of Africans, and their descendants among 
us." 

The following extracts are from the report of one of 
the Abolition Societies to the Convention of 1801. 
They seem to resemble what is now charged upon the 
Abolitionists, as amalgamation. 

" In the city of Burlington, N. Jersey, there is a free 



Which it was then considered unconstitutional to interfere with, 



22 

school for the education of poor children, supported by 
the profits of an estate, left for that particular purpose, 
which school is open for the recepiion of black, equally 
with w^hite, children. The account from Gloucester 
county on this head states, that in several parts of that 
county, there are funds established for the schooling of 
poor children, white or black, without distinction, in 
the whole about £1000." 

Again. " Several hundred blacks and people of color 
reside in white families," &c. &c. &c. 

Again, in regard to publications, the Report says, 
''There is a standing committee of this society, denom- 
inated ' The Committee of Publication,' the design of 
which is to publish, from time to time, in such manner 
as they may deem expedient, pieces, extracts, or essays, 
on the subject of emancipation, tending to promote the 
views of this association. We could wish, that this 
mode of advancing the cause of abolition was more 
attended to, for we are convinced that much good might 
be done, by the distrihution of suitable publications on 
the subject." 

Again, the Delaware Report states apologetically, that 
"no publications, tending to promote the abolition of 
slavery, have yet been distributed ; but an address to 
the public on this important subject is now prepared, 
and will speedily be published." 

The Virginia Report "feels perfect freedom in solicit- 
ing such peciuiiary aid from you [the general Conven- 
tion] as it may be in your power to afford." Pecuniary 
aid!!! what for? The Report of the Convention ex- 
plains, " that in Virginia the system is so far restrained 
by popular prejudice and legislative encroachment, as to 
require the fostering care of the Convention ;" and pro- 
ceeds to recommend the establishment of a permanent 
fund for such purposes. 

Again we find the Convention of 1801 addressed the 
citizens of the United States. " We are sensible," say 
they, "that many of our fellow-citizens have labored 
under mistaken impressions, and have ascribed to us 
views as inconsistent with the policy of our country. 



23 

It is true we contemplate the deliverance from slavery 
of all the blacks and people of color in these States, 
sooner or later, by such means as your humanity and 
the wisdom of our rulers may suggest ; and though we 
think the existing laws of some of the States unnecessa- 
rily severe, yet we pointedly disavow any wish to 
contravene them, while they remain in force, or to 
hazard the peace and safety of the community, by the 
adoption of ill-advised and precipitate measures." 
" We are convinced, that so long as a relation subsists 
between cause and effect, and the present policy of 
those States is pursued, so long the deprecated calamity 
is to be dreaded ; and while we all revolt with horror 
from the anticipation of an organization on the part of 
the slaves, we conceive there is a certain state of degra- 
dation and misery to which they may be reduced, a 
certain point of desperation to which the human mind 
may be brought, and beyond which it cannot be driven, 
&c. &c. &c. Finall}^, fellow-citizens ! as you value 
your own peace, and that of your families ; the quiet 
and security of our country ; the obligations of our holy 
religion, and the favor of an overruling Providence, let 
us entreat you to enter into the consideration of the 
subjects now submitted to you." 

Finally, gentlemen, the proceedings of the Convention 
are voted to be communicated to Granville Sharpe of 
the London Society, thus connecting themselves with 
Bjitish influence; and, to crown all, I find at the end 
of one of these pamphlets a picture, coarse enough, to 
be sure, in execution, but significant, representing a 
respectable looking ]ierson, of the old school, taking a 
half-naked negro by the hand, and bidding him work 
and be happy. 

I could extend such extracts much farther, and should 
not think it a very extravagant undertaking to engage 
to adduce a parallel for almost every thing that is now 
said and done by the present Abolition Societies. I say 
almost, for in one particular, there is a difference, as the 
present Societies contend for immediate abolition ; by 
which they mean, that when abolition takes place, it 



24 

should be at once, and not by the substitution of ap- 
prenticeships, or projects of that kind, which admit to 
the slave the principle of abolition, without practising 
upon it in a way that he can very well understand, or 
one which his former owner can derive the most benefit 
from. This doctrine may be erroneous, but really 
would seem to be entitled to some respect, as it was 
that of the leading and most respected Abolitionists in 
Great Britain, in regard to the West-India islands; and 
the result of the experiment in those islands, where 
both plans have been tried, is hitherto in favor of it. 

Such, gentlemen, were the abolition movements when 
some of us were boys — carried on by men with whose 
names are connected our earliest associations of respect, 
and they were considered by multitudes of the wise and 
good every where, as reflecting honor on their authors. 
I will not venture so answer the question. Why should 
not similar ones be so considered now ? The following 
extracts may suggest something, which may, to some at 
least, appear to be relevant. They are from a ''Disser- 
tation on Slavery, by St. George Tucker, Professor of 
Law in the University of William and Mary, and one 
of the Judges of the General Court in Virginia," printed 
in 1796, dedicated to the General Assembly of Virginia, 
and bearing this motto on the title-page : " Slavery not 
only violates the laws of nature, and of civil society, — 
it also wounds the best forms of government ; in a de- 
mocracy, where all men are equal, Slavery is contrary 
to the spirit of the Constitution. Montesquieu." 

" But if the voice of reason, justice, and humanity be 
not stifled by sordid avarice or unfeeling tyranny, it 
v;ould be easy to convince even those who have enter- 
tained such erroneous notions, that the right of one man 
over another is neither founded in nature nor sound 
policy, — that a state of slavery is not only perfectly 
incompatible with the principles of government, but 
with the safety and security of their masters. Those 
who wish to postpone the measure, (Abolition,) do not 
reflect that every day renders the task more arduous. 
Milo acquired strength enough to carry an ox, by begin- 



25 

ning with the calf. If we complain that the calf is too 
heavy for our shoulders, what will not the ox be ? If 
we doubt the propriety of such measures, what must 
we think of the situation of oiu' country, when we shall 
have more than two millions of slaves among us? Will 
not our posterity curse the days of their nativity with 
all the anguish of Job ? What a blood-stained code must 
that be, which is calculated for the restraint of millions 
held in bondage ! " '' From the communication," he 
adds, '^ of sentiment between those who lament the 
evil, it is possible that an effectual remedy may at length 
be discovered. Whenever that happens, the golden 
age of our country will begin. Till then — 

Non hospes ab hospite tutus, 

Non herus a famulis: fralrum quoque gratia rara." 

The prophecy is startling enough. Has he proved 
*' a lying prophet?" The millions are here, — the 
Lynch code is in full operation ; a price is openly set by 
fellow-citizens on each other's heads. Gentlemen, the 
ox is fairly on our shoulders, and he is growing while 
we are sleeping. 

The abolition movements, to which I have alluded, 
were continued and kept up public sentiment till the 
abolition of the slave-trade, in 1808. After that, the 
attention of the community was diverted by the con- 
vulsions of Europe, the din of party, the increase of 
wealth, commerce, and manufactures, and other Deli- 
lahs of the time, till, in IS20, on the fatal Missouri 
question, the Samson of Abolition found his stru,22:les 
unavailing, and Slavery was originated under a Con- 
stitution, whose reluctant and disapproving silence was 
on that occasion construed into tacit encouragement.* 
But the locks of the champion are once more growing, 
and though his steps may seem to some to be sightless, 

* That refined construction, which makes the constitution a silent and 
acquiescing accessary, looking with undisturbed complacency upon what 
it professes to hold in detestation, may answer the purpose of argument 
here, but it can avail nowhere else. The judgment of mankind is not 
formed upon artificial distinctions like this. Speech of Mr. Sergeajvt, 
on the Missouri Question. 

3 



26 

bethink you, gentlemen, that they are steadied by the 
very central pillars of the temple of Liberty. He is 
clinging to Freedom of Speech and the Liberty of the 
Press, and his expiring struggles cannot be without 
danger to the whole editice. 

To leave metaphor, and come to plain prose: the 
public have before them the disclaimer of the Abolition- 
ists, a solemn pledge of their peaceable and, at least as 
it appears to them, lawful intentions. Among the 
names of its signers are those of men, to whose integrity 
and discretion few would hesitate to confide the manage- 
ment of almost any thing, but this particular operation. 
And yet, to find a warranty for much that is said in 
different public journals in regard to a movement, of 
which these men are confessedly among the leaders, it 
is necessary to assume either their deliberate falsehood, 
or almost insane aberration from the common under- 
standing of mankind. 

I have refrained from subjoining my name to this 
letter, for a reason, that I hope I may venture to borrow 
from an eminent philanthropist on a similar occasion, 
without incurring any suspicion of arrogating to myself 
any of his claim to the deference of the public. " The 
request of the author," says Dr. Rush, in the advertise- 
ment to his Vindication of an Address on Slavery, " was, 
that his name should be concealed, such subjects being 
foreign to his ordinary studies and business." But I 
think I may venture to say with confidence, that, 
although I may naturally wish that your opinions in re- 
gard to some of these matters were somewhat modified, 
I am behind none of the community in respect for the 
brilliancy of your talents, the sincerity of your pur- 
poses, and your love of our common country. 

Boston, September 2, 1835. 



NOTES. 



Note A. 

The advocates of the duty of silence, in regard to the whole 
matter of slave-holdinjr and trading in the United States, are 
occasionally pushed to the wall by the sturdy abolitionist, 
who inquires why " a great moral and political evil" is still 
suffered to remain unabated in the District of Columbia ; and 
the reply is, generally, according to the writer's experience, 
that some great man, somewhere, has been understood to say, 
that there was some reason, why it was unconstitutional to 
abate it. The case would appear to lie in a nut-shell. Congress 
being, by the Constitution, the "exclusive Legislature" of the 
District, why should it not pass any law in regard to that 
District, whatever ? There can be but two reasons. Because 
such a law would be unconstitutional, or because it would be 
inequitable. 

A third reason, to be sure, is often hinted at, but never, I 
believe, broadly avowed, except in the resolutions of that 
zealous and patriotic body, the Legislature of South Carolina, 
viz : That emancipation in the District is forbidden by the 
acts of cession of Maryland and Virginia. If this were true, 
it would be of no consequence ; for any such limitation would 
be unconstitutional and consequently null. But the assertion 
is one of the most utterly gratuitous ones, that the writer 
remembers to have met with. The acts of cession are now 
before him, and this is their language. 

"Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly," says the 
act of Virginia, "That a tract of country not exceeding ten 
miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the 
limits of this State, and in any part thereof as Congress may 
by law direct, shall be and the same is hereby for ever ceded 
and relinquished to the Congress and Government of the 
United States, in full and absolute right and exclusive jurisdic- 



28 

tion, as icell of soil, as of persons residing, or to reside thereon, 
pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the 
first article of the Constitution of the Government of the United 
States. 

" Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed 
to vest in the United States any right of property , in the soil,* 
or to affect the rights of individuals therein, otherwise than the 
same shall, or may be transferred by such individuals to the 
United States. 

^^ And provided also. That the jurisdiction of the laws of this 
Commonwealth, over the persons and property of individuals 
residing within the limits of the cession aforesaid, shall not 
cease or determine until Congress, having accepted the said 
cession, shall by law, provide for the government thereof, under 
their jurisdiction, in manner provided by the article of the 
Constitution before recited.'^ 

" Be it enacted by the General Assembly," says the act of 
Maryland, '' That all that part of the said territory called Co- 
lumbia, which lies within the limits of this State, shall be and 
the same is hereby acknowledged to be for ever ceded and 
relinquished to the Congress, &c." The rest being in the 
same words, as that of Virginia above quoted. There is not a 
word in either, thai; the writer can see, about either slaves, or, 
according to the more approved term for ears polite, '' persons 
held to service." 

What then are the constitutional restrictions upon the Leg- 
islature of the District ? Just what they are upon the other 
Legislatures of the several States. And this is a sufficient 
answer to all the imaginations, which individuals occasionally 
choose to indulge in, concerning entails and the like. All the 
Legislatures in the Union, that of the District included, are 
forbidden by the Constitution to pass such laws, one just as 
much as the other, and no more. In like manner all the 
Legislatures are forbidden to take private property for public 
uses without compensation ; the restriction in this matter is 
the same upon the Legislature of the District as upon those of 
New York, Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania. When therefore 
these States abolished slavery within their several precincts, 



* The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Ingersoll) had adverted to a 
clause in the Virginia act of cession. That clause was intended to pre- 
vent the United States from acquiring an interest in the soil, or interfering 
with landed titles. Speech of Mr. Robertson o/" Virginia!! ! — Ao- 
tional Intelligencer, Dec. 28, 1835, 



29 

they acted unconstitutionally, or else it is constitutional for 
Congress to abolish in the District. 

But some, whilst they admit the constitutionality of such a 
proceeding, may nevertheless contend, that it would be inequi- 
table to do so, without the consent of a majority of the inhabi- 
tants. Now they either mean to set up a general principle, 
applying to all laws relating to the concerns of the District, or 
they only refer to this particular case. But to establish such 
a principle would be equivalent to reducing the powers, given 
by the Constitution to Congress, to that of a mere registration of 
such laws as the Columbians, in their wisdom and goodness, 
may choose to accept. This is nullification with a vengeance. 
It is striking a note on the Constitutional fiddle, which can 
hardly accord with those of the individuals, who are constantly 
holding the broad shield of the Constitution between their 
hearts, and every appeal of the abolitionist in behalf of mercy, 
justice, and consistency. 

Or, without proposing a general principle of legislation, 
they may mean to argue only in relation to the particular case. 
But, if any other great moral and political evil happened to be 
agreeable to the majority of the Columbians, as lotteries, 
gambling, drunkenness, or blasphemy ; if the slave-markets 
were slaughter-houses, and the smell thereof ascended into the 
nostrils of tiie legislators, and threatened putrid fever to their 
alarmed imaginations, at the interesting period of the ap- 
proach of warm weather and warm debates, as the yells may 
occasionally reach to their ears ; if the advertisements of bro- 
thels, instead of negro auctions, garnished the journals, which 
are daily laid upon their tables ; I say, if these things were so, 
would any man in his senses gravely put forward the plea, 
that Congress could not justly abate such nuisances, in their 
own seat of government, within the very precincts of their 
court, because the majority of the denizens were pleased to 
object to their doing so ? 

But there is probably no occasion to prove this point, nor 
any danger of distressing the feelings of the sturdy defenders 
of the rights of the majority in this matter. There is probably 
little question that the majority of the inhabitants of the District 
are in favor of the abolition of slavery. " Ah ! but," urges the 
opponent, " to make that point out, you must include the colored 
inhabitants, whom the laws do not recognise as qualified 
voters." True enough! But the question is not now about 
law hut justice. 



30 

" The power then of Congress over its own territories is, by 
the very terms of the Constitution, unlimited. It may make 
all ' needful rules and regulations; ' which, of course, include 
all such regulations, as its own views of policy and expediency 
shall from time to time dictate. If, therefore, in its judgment, 
it be needful for the benefit of a Territory to enact a prohibi- 
tion of slavery, it would seem to be as much within its power 
of legislation, as any other ordinary act of local policy," &lc. 
&LC. Memorial prepared in 1819 hy Daniel Webster, 
George Blake, Josiah Quincy, James T. Austin, and John 
Gall[son, and presented to Congress. 



Note B. 

'* No person has ever doubted, that the prohibition of the 
foreign slave-trade was completely within the authority of 
Congress, since the year 1808. And why 1 Certainly only 
because it is embraced in the regulation o^ foreign commerce. 
And if so, it may, for the like reason, be prohibited, since that 
period, between the States. Commerce in slaves, since the 
year 1808, being as much subject to the regulation of Congress, 
as any other commerce; if it should see fit to enact that no 
slave should ever be sold from one State to another, it is not 
perceived how its constitutional right to make such provision 
could be questioned." Boston Memorial by Webster, 
Blake, &c. quoted above. 

<' I think this channel is stopped, as it ought to be, by the 
power of Congress to prevent importation and migration. Im- 
portation we all understand to include slaves brought in from 
abroad, from any foreign territory, whether by land or by 
water; and we all agree, that it is sufficient to comprehend in 
its interdict, every bringing in of slaves from abroad. The 
term migration is applied to the same description of ' persons ' 
and, upon the plainest principles of construction, must be 
understood to mean something different from ' importation.' 
What can it apply to, but the passage or transfer of slaves 
from one State or Territory to another ? "***<' The clause in 
question has always been understood to apply to slaves, and to 
slaves only, from the adoption of the Constitution to the present 



31 

time." * * * << Sir, this construction, in itself so reasonable, 
has actually been adopted in practice. By the act of 1804 
for dividing Louisiana into two territories, it is enacted that 
no slaves shall be imported from abroad, and none shall be 
brought from any port or place, within the limits oj the United 
States, that have been imported since the first day of May, 
1798." Speech of John Sergeant, in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, Feb. 1820. 



Note C 

" And if this could now be effected, and the bill (for ad- 
mitting Missouri) could be accompanied by such guards and 
provisions, as would for ever preclude the spread of that moral 
pestilence, he should not repent of the oblation he had offered to 
the spirit of conciliation." * * * * «' If a stranger to our country, 
but familiar with its history, upon arriving here at this moment, 
and witnessing the perturbation of men's minds, within doors 
and without, should be told, on inquiring the cause, that it 
arose from a discussion of the question, whether slavery should 
be inhibited in your territorial possessions; his first impression 
would certainly be that this question had been put to rest some 
three and thirty years ago. ' I have read,' he would be in- 
clined to say, ' that the earliest exercise of your authority 
over the domain ceded to the United States, was manifested in 
a solemn protest against the introduction of slavery into it, 
and that you thus afforded an earnest of your future policy and 
intentions in regard to all similar acquisitions of ceded territory. 
Wherefore, in the ordinance for governing the north-western 
territory, did you, with such grave determination establish as 
one of the fundamental principles of civil and rdigious liberty, 
for the regulation of your territories in all future time, the 
exclusion of involuntary servitude, and why should you now 
relax a system, established in the healthful vigor and freshness 
of your newly acquired liberty, and bring into doubt principles, 
which were then so solemnly determined I To these inquiries, 
he should only be able to answer, ' Tempora mutantur et nos 
mutamur in illis.' "***<« He was certainly not now prepared to 
go into a consideration of the nature and extent of this evil in 
the old States, or of any present or future remedy. It was, 



32 

however, a subject of most serious reflection from which the 
Congress of the United States could not always escape. It 
was a common concern^ **** *' He would then leave the 
question of expediency, inexhaustible as he felt it to be, with 
these few general remarks, being unable to agree to any 
measure, which should counteract the spirit of the age, by 
increasing the mischiefs of slavery to a degree, boundless in 
extent and perpetual in duration, and to entail on posterity a 
scourge, for which we reproach the memory of our ancestors." 
Speech of the Hon. Harrison Gray Otis, in the Senate of 
the United States, Jan. 25, 1820. 



Note D. 
Extract from Franklin's Works. 

Reading in the newspapers the speech of Mr. Jackson in Con- 
gress, against meddling with the affairs of slavery, or attempting 
to mend the condition of the slaves, it put me in mind of a simi- 
lar speech, made about one hundred years since by Sidi Ma- 
homet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may be 
seen in Martin's account of his consulship, 1687. It was against 
granting the petition of the sect of Erika or Pnrisis, who prayed 
for the abolition of piracy and slavery, as being unjust. Mr. 
Jackson does not quote it : perhaps he has not seen it. If there- 
fore some of its reasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, 
it may not only show that men's interests operate, and are op- 
erated on, with surprising similarity, in all countries and cli- 
mates, whenever they are under similar circumstances. The 
African speech, as translated, is as follows : 

" Alia Bismillah, Slc. God is great, and Mahomet is his 
prophet. 

''Have these Erika considered the consequences of granting 
their petition ? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, 
how shall we be furnished, with the commodities their coun- 
tries produce, and which are so necessary for us ? If we 
forbear to make slaves of their people, who in this hot climate, 
are to cultivate our lands ? Who are to perform the common 
labors of our city and of our families ? Must we not then be 
our own slaves ? and is there not more compassion and more 



33 

favor due to us mussulmen than to those Christian dogs 1 We 
have now above fifty thousand slaves in Algiers. This num- 
ber, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, and be 
gradually annihilated. If then we cease taking and plunder- 
ing the infidels' ships, and making slaves of the seamen and 
passengers, our lands will become of no value, for want of 
cultivation ; the rents of houses in the city will sink one half; 
and the revenues of government, arising from the share of 
prizes, must be totally destroyed, — and for what ? To gratify 
the whim of a whimsical sect, who would have us not only 
forbear making more slaves, but even manumit those we have. 
But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss? Will the 
state do it? Is our treasury sufiicient ? Will the Erika do 
it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they 
think justice to the slaves, do a greater injustice to the 
owners? And if we set our slaves free, what is to be done 
with them? Few of them will return to their native countries; 
they know too well the greater hardships, they must there be 
subject to. They will not embrace our holy religion ; they 
will not adopt our manners : our people will not pollute them- 
selves by intermarrying with them. Must we maintain them 
as beggars in our streets ; or suffer our properties to be the 
prey of their pillage? for men accustomed to slavery will not 
work for a livelihood when not compelled. And what is there 
so pitiable in their present condition ? Were they not slaves 
in their own countries ? Are not Spain, France, Portugal, 
and the Italian States governed by despots, who hold all their 
subjects in slavery without exception? Even England treats 
her sailors as slaves; for they are, whenever the government 
pleases, seized and confined in ships of war, condemned not 
only to work, but to fight for small wages, or a mere subsist- 
ence, not better than our slaves are allowed by us. Is the 
condition then made worse by falling into our hands? No: 
they have only exchanged one slavery for another ; and I may 
say a better ; for here they are brought into a land where the 
sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and shines in full splen- 
dor ; and they have an opportunity of making themselves 
acquainted with the true doctrines, and thereby save their 
immortal souls. Those who remain at home have not that 
happiness. Sending the slaves home then, would be sending 
them out of light into darkness. I repeat the question what 
is to be done with them? I have heard it suggested that they 
may be planted in the wilderness, where there is plenty of 



34 

land for them to subsist on, and where they may flourish as a 
free state. But they are, I doubt, too little disposed to labor 
without compulsion, as well as too ignorant to establish good 
government ; and the wild Arabs would soon molest and 
destroy, or again enslave them. While serving us, we take 
care to provide them with every thing ; and they are treated 
with humanity. The laborers in their own countries are, as 
I am informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition 
of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no 
further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They 
are not liable to be impressed for soldiers and forced to cut one 
another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own coun- 
tries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease us 
with their silly petitions, have, in a fit of blind zeal, freed their 
slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that moved 
them to the action ; it was from the conscious burden of a 
load of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good a 
work, to be excused from damnation. How grossly are they 
mistaken in imagining slavery to be disavowed by the Alcoran ! 
Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, * Masters treat 
your slaves with kindness — Slaves serve your masters with 
cheerfulness and fidelity,' clear proofs to contrary ? Nor can 
the plundering of infidels be in that sacred book forbidden ; 
since it is well known from it, that God has given the world, 
and all that it contains, to his faithful mussulmen, who are 
to enjoy it, of right, as fast as they conquer it. Let us then 
hear no more of this detestable proposition, the manumission of 
Christian slaves, the adoption of which, by depreciating our 
lands and houses, and thereby depriving many good citizens 
of their properties, create universal discontent, and provoke 
insurrections, to the endangering of government, and producing 
general confusion. I have therefore no doubt that this wise 
council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole nation 
of true believers to the whim of a few Erika, and dismiss their 
petition." The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan 
came to this resolution : " That the doctrine, that the plunder- 
ing and enslaving Christisns is unjust, is at best problematical ; 
but that it is the interest of this state to continue the practice, 
is clear ; therefore, let the petition be rejected ; " and it was 
rejected accordingly. 

This pungent article was dated March 23, 1790, just twenty- 
five days previous to the death of its author. So that one of 



«> 4K ff 



the last acts of Dr. Franklin's long and honorable life, was this 
elaborate parallel between the Southern slave-holder and the 
Mediterranean " pirate." An act not so very dissimilar to those 
of another Boston Printer, and his associates, for which they 
have been denounced in Congress, reviled in Fancuil Hall, 
and mobbed, within a few rods of the spot, on which it lias 
been sometimes proposed to erect his statue. 



Note E. 

So it would indeed seem. The following is the second ar- 
ticle of the celebrated non-importation association of the Colo- 
nies. 

/' We will neither import, nor purchase any slave imported 
after the first day of December next ; after which time, we 
will wholly discontinue the slave-trade, and will neither be 
concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, or sell 
our commodities, or manufactures, to those who are concerned 
in it. 

" Oct. 24, 1774." 

Signed, 

Henry Middleton, ~] 

Thomas Lynch, ! of South 

John Rutlege, [ Carolina. 

Edward Rutlege, J 

But the front of battle lowered then, and the " hard 
hands " of the North were wanted. Fourteen years after, when 
the battle had been fought and won, we find South Carolina 
refusing to accept the Constitution, unless it should be so 
framed as to permit the slave-trade. 



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